How protests against Mnangagwa’s third term will affect SA

Reports that deportations from SA have more than tripled since 2020/21 have not deterred Zimbabweans from crossing the border

A general view of commuters in Zimbabwe's capital Harare on April 1 2025. Picture: PHILIMON BULAWAYO
A general view of commuters in Zimbabwe's capital Harare on April 1 2025. Picture: PHILIMON BULAWAYO

Political instability in Zimbabwe as a result of calls for President Emmerson Mnangagwa to step down from within his governing Zanu-PF could present challenges for SA.

While unemployment and poverty are relatively worse in Zimbabwe than in SA, Zimbabweans consider SA a viable destination and land of opportunity.

Not even recent reports from the department of home affairs that deportations from SA have more than tripled since 2020/21 can deter suffering Zimbabweans.

“Why should I stay home when it’s clear 2025 and beyond will be a waste for me? I would rather go back to SA and take up menial jobs,” said Sothini Ncube, a vendor on the streets of Bulawayo, the second-largest city.

Ncube holds an honours degree in psychology but job opportunities in Zimbabwe are hard to come by. He has also grown frustrated that basic amenities are lacking and there is no government effort towards poverty alleviation.

A newspaper vendor shows a poster about the unrest on April 1 2025. Picture: PHILIMON BULAWAYO
A newspaper vendor shows a poster about the unrest on April 1 2025. Picture: PHILIMON BULAWAYO

“There are no pain killers in major hospitals in Zimbabwe. I would rather risk insults in SA but at least get some treatment when I fall sick. We are [stuck] between a rock and a hard place. SA should brace as usual for our influx,” he added.

In February SA announced a nationwide operation to clamp down on illegal immigrants, but with uncertainty for many Zimbabweans growing due to political bickering in the governing party, many may be considering heading to SA.

Stevenson Dlamini, an economist from Zimbabwe, said SA should be concerned about the political situation up north because it could lead to a strain on its public services and infrastructure.

“SA has on numerous occasions struggled with unregulated Zimbabwean economic and political refugees. Not long ago [2023] an SA doctor [Limpopo health MEC, now premier Phophi Ramathuba] despite diplomatic pressure later, in a raw manner spoke the language of ordinary South Africans. She was not politically correct but she exposed what a political failure in Zimbabwe reflected on SA,” he said.

SA is Zimbabwe’s biggest trade partner and Zimbabwe is SA’s gateway to Africa. Therefore, a politically insecure Zimbabwe is bad for business, according to Dlamini.

Fissures inside Zanu-PF developed at last year’s October conference in Bulawayo when a section aligned to Mnangagwa passed a motion to extend his term.

They proposed a two-way strategy: to extend his term, which ends in 2028, by two years; or to change the constitution to allow him a third term that would see him stay on until 2034.

Mnangagwa insists he will not stay beyond his constitutional term. But as the party’s most senior member, the first secretary, he has not stopped those calling for constitutional change.

That is why Blessed Geza, who at the time was a member of Zanu-PF’s central committee, decided to be the face of those resisting Mnangagwa’s extension.

Geza mentioned people he called “the looting mafia and political criminals aiding Mnangagwa to butcher the constitution for their selfish ends”.

A man sells mobile data on the morning of planned anti-government protests. Picture: KB MPOFU
A man sells mobile data on the morning of planned anti-government protests. Picture: KB MPOFU

Geza was then fired from the party and placed on the police’s wanted list. He is in hiding but calling on Zimbabweans to mount resistance through protests.

Geza wants Mnangagwa to be replaced by his deputy Constantino Chiwenga, the protagonist of the November 2017 coup, who has not commented on the matter.

Party spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa, in an interview with Dug Up, a Zimbabwean investigative group, accused Chiwenga of harbouring presidential ambitions. He also referred to Chiwenga as uneducated and unelectable for the presidency.

Mnangagwa moved with speed to change top bosses in the country’s security sector before the March demonstrations viewed as a failed coup attempt within Zanu-PF.

Mutsvangwa confirmed there were “dramatic changes in the structure of our state apparatus” to avoid an unconstitutional change of government.

“They [security sector] proved they are not a joystick for political day dreamers. Ours is not akin to any postcolonial army that can be commanded from London or from Paris to go to the state house and remove leaders. It does not work like that with our army,” he said.

In January Mnangagwa retired Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) commissioner Gen Godwin Matanga, replacing him with Stephen Mutamba.

In the same month he retired director-general Isaac Moyo from the spy agency, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), and in came Fulton Mangwanya.

But the biggest change came a week before the March 31 planned protests to remove the president from power.

Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) commander Lt-Gen Anselem Sanyatwe, 69, was retired from the army to become minister of sport, arts and culture.

His replacement was Maj-Gen Emmanuel Matatu, 72.

The new-look ZRP, ZNA and CIO are near complete overhauls compared with when vice-president Chiwenga led the putsch that removed Robert Mugabe in November 2017, ushering in Mnangagwa’s regime.

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