It seems President Cyril Ramaphosa will get his long-sought social compact — a cornerstone of legacy-building for a president in the second and final constitutional term who likes his consultation skills to take centre stage.
The national dialogue is, according to Ramaphosa, “an opportunity to forge a new social compact for the development” of SA, including building “a thriving inclusive economy that creates jobs and opportunities”.
That didn’t happen three years ago, when the president said in his 2022 state of the nation address that “a comprehensive social compact to grow our economy, create jobs and combat hunger” would be in place within 100 days.
This deadline morphed into 100 working days, which was still not met, and was then quietly dropped from the national to-do list. In the background it became clear business remained sceptical given the government’s rigidity on investment quotas and job security amid flexibility on agreement details and time frames.
The 2022 social compacting attempt came a decade after a rare moment of unity when the cabinet and parliament unanimously adopted the 2012 National Development Plan (NDP). That blueprint to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 emerged from nationwide consultations by the National Planning Commission, with Ramaphosa, then businessman, as deputy chair.
Today the NDP is a litany of missed targets — from reducing crime to improving health outcomes, ratcheting up economic growth and reducing poverty and inequality.
Ordinary South Africans are said to be central to the new “inclusive” 2025/26 national dialogue. But the pattern of public participation typically unfolds as little more than a curated choreography of VIPs listening at imbizos, for example, leaving it unclear whether grievances are ever resolved.
When MPs hold nationwide public hearings on draft legislation they are regularly told of unresolved grievances rather than points of law. The parliamentarians’ public participation reports are tailored to include only points deemed relevant.
Listening to Gogo Dlamini, to use former public protector Thuli Madonsela’s proxy for ordinary South Africans, means engaging with real people and community organisations that have not been pre-vetted for acceptability.
It means not filtering responses to fit into a preconceived matrix that pleases those with power and political and financial interests, but using this genuine public input to overhaul policy. Dlamini knows what it takes, so she and her family are and feel safe, and can access with dignity social security networks and the quality healthcare needed for a life of potential, not survivalist drudge.
South Africans have increasingly lost faith in democracy and political parties. This emerges from various public opinion surveys. Declining election voter turnout, which in 2024 stood at 59% of those registered, also shows that too many citizens, particularly young people, have opted out of the democratic system.
A tentative revival of support is linked to the multiparty national unity government, which has just marked its first anniversary despite embedded tensions and conflict that has been sidestepped rather than resolved in the clearing house. Political arrogance and stubbornness is deeply entrenched.
Labour federation Cosatu correctly slammed as “inanities” the national dialogue’s R700m-plus price tag, delivered with an insouciant, “democracy is not cheap” by the national dialogue preparatory task team’s Mduduzi Mbada, whose day job is in deputy president Paul Mashatile’s office.
The nostalgic rear-view perspective of this 2025/26 national dialogue is unhelpful. SA’s problems are well known, well articulated and have been analysed in detail. Previous interventions, from the NDP to the Zondo state capture commission, made significant and considered proposals and reforms.
Such recommendations have routinely been ignored or fragmented into meaningless bits, as the national culture of impunity continues to shield those who should be held to account. Neither social compacting, dialoguing nor presidential legacy-building moves the needle on that.
• Merten is a veteran political journalist specialising in parliament and governance.
Would you like to comment on this article?
Sign up (it's quick and free) or sign in now.
Please read our Comment Policy before commenting.