The three political parties — Build One SA, GOOD and Rise Mzansi — are either set to shake up the political centre or they are flirting with oblivion through their merger. Either way, in the aggregate, the move is a worthwhile gamble that needs to be welcomed.
Last week, the leaders of the three minority parties — Mmusi Maimane, Patricia de Lille and Songezo Zibi — announced that their parties will join forces to contest next year’s municipal elections.
While they will register Unite for Change (UFC) as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission they will maintain their separate identities. This is pragmatic; all three are represented separately in the National Assembly and provincial legislatures.
Until 2027, they will not have one leader. The local government elections are their minimum programme of co-operation for now. It may yet be broadened.
In a way, the three are going on a date at next year’s elections. It may or may not work. Still, it’s worth a try.
For far too long, the political space has been dominated by the ANC and, to a lesser extent, the DA. The ANC has been a disappointment.
Smaller centrist parties have fared badly, as have the independent candidates. The main reason for this is simply that the political centre has been occupied by the ANC and the DA.
Disillusioned by the two main parties, eligible voters choose to stay home instead of going to the polls on the day of the elections. Worse, even those who registered to vote don’t turn up. This trend has continued.
This is not the first time an electoral pact has been tried. Ahead of last year’s general elections the DA attempted an anti-ANC election front. The Multi-Party Charter failed and, instead, the ANC, which dipped to about 40% at national level, cobbled a grand coalition it called the government of national unity (GNU).
All members of the UFC have been co-opted into President Cyril Ramaphosa’s GNU.
Despite its many failures, ganging up against the ANC hasn’t worked. Instead, Ramaphosa has hitherto outplayed his opponents.
Being inside the GNU limits room to criticise the GNU and the ANC. To all intents and purposes, the GNU is implementing ANC policies.
Opposition to the national health insurance, BEE, land expropriation without compensation and the basic education amendment laws hasn’t stopped these bills from being made laws.
When DA deputy minister of trade, industry & competition Andrew Whitfield defied Ramaphosa by travelling overseas without his permission, the president fired him.
The GNU remains controversial within and outside the president’s party. It’s unclear whether the ANC will tolerate criticism of its failures by beneficiaries of its perceived largesse ahead of next year’s elections.
The other risk facing UFC is the rise of extremist parties. In SA, it has found expression through parties such as the Freedom Front+, Patriotic Front, EFF and Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto we Sizwe party.
The moderate centre is a hugely contested space. There are opportunities for the UFC too and these should be optimised.
Two of the founding members — De Lille and Maimane — have a history with the DA. De Lille was a DA mayor in Cape Town while Maimane was its first — and only — black leader.
Their knowledge of the DA’s weaknesses should help them strategise against the party.
While the trio’s electoral support remains minuscule, it can be increased through the recruitment of more like-minded moderate parties such as Bantu Holomisa’s UDM and the IFP.
A broader front — that stands for something instead of against the ANC — will diversify the political space and offer voters more choice.
The UFC leaders will need to work harder to re-energise the disenchanted voters to believe in the power of their vote.
The consolidation of the political centre might also be more appealing to funders than tiny, ineffectual political parties. SA will be richer with UFC.
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