Since the return of the SA troops deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), noise has died down about the slaughter of their ill-equipped comrades at the hands of Rwanda-backed M23 rebels. But all is still not well in SA’s last line of defence.
The past year has been a terrible one for SA’s army. Its missions in Mozambique and the DRC were disastrous. Rwanda’s army, which fought alongside that of SA in Mozambique, outshone SA’s troops in conflict against the insurgents.
This was not because of superior skills but more due to superior military hardware. In the DRC, SA’s weaknesses caused the loss of soldiers’ lives as M23 rebels bombed their way to Kinshasa.
At one stage hardly a month went by without at least one SA soldier returning in a body bag. The rebels and their backers possessed superior air power to that of the DRC army and its Southern African Development Community (Sadc) backers.
Three months ago, just weeks before the capture of more strategic provinces, a fragile ceasefire was agreed. Two mediation efforts — one under the auspices of Sadc and the other sponsored by the East African Community — were collapsed into one, and a team of former African presidents was appointed to facilitate talks about the future of the DRC.
Simultaneously, the West finally put pressure on Kigali by imposing sanctions in an attempt to persuade it to withdraw from its mineral-rich neighbour.
The US, which is eyeing the DRC’s critical minerals, leaned on the two state parties to the conflict to sign a ceasefire. An uneasy peace obtains, but other elements of the deal are moving more slowly. For example, the real inter-Congolese dialogue — including M23 and Felix Tshisekedi’s regime — has yet to start.
Instead of expending his energies on the inter-Congolese dialogue, Tshisekedi has been gunning for his predecessor, Joseph Kabila. Trumped-up charges have led to Kabila’s conviction; a recipe for a protracted conflict.
These mediation initiatives paved the way for the withdrawal of the ineffectual Sadc military mission in the DRC. Strangely, the monthly tragedies helped focus the minds of South Africans on what had gone wrong.
Over the years the SA National Defence Force became a casualty of severe austerity measures. Like other departments, defence was not spared from corruption. It is also one of the worst offenders regarding the late payment of suppliers, another sign of the malaise.
SA needs a well-equipped and trained defence force that is fit for purpose, including the task of sealing the country’s porous borders.
The appointment of career soldier-turned politician Bantu Holomisa as a deputy to defence minister Angie Motshekga, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s political ally, has come as a relief to army professionals, who believe the pair have Ramaphosa’s ear on the state of SA’s military, its troops and equipment.
At Ramaphosa’s urging the National Treasury has grudgingly eased the budget cuts. Still, defence spending is hardly a budget priority, a trend that is unlikely to change soon.
That is unfortunate, because SA needs a well-equipped and trained defence force that is fit for purpose, including the task of sealing the country’s porous borders. The Border Management Agency is a welcome intervention, but as a new agency that took years to set up, it will be a while before it gains traction.
The borders are but one of many areas that require reinforcement. As well as their own challenge of resisting capture by criminal cartels, the police — at least the honest ones — are struggling to deal with SA’s crime and corruption crisis. With a bit of reorientation, troops could provide backup.
SA’s service delivery crisis, especially water supplies, also requires all hands to be on deck, and the army has useful skills.
It’s not too late to start a conversation about re-equipping SA’s armed forces, including the question of diversifying equipment suppliers.
• Dludlu, a former editor of Sowetan, is CEO of the Small Business Institute.
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