JUN KAJEE | The next EU refugee crisis has begun

Half-a-million vehicles are moving north in Iran as internal displacement crisis deepens

Jun Kajee

Jun Kajee

Columnist

CROWD CONTROL: A German border police woman stands by as dozens of migrants unexpectedly disembarked from a train that left Budapest’s Keleti station for a station at the airport in Frankfurt, Germany, on Sunday. Austria and Germany threw open their borders to thousands of exhausted migrants on Saturday, bused to the Hungarian border by a right-wing government that had tried to stop them but was overwhelmed by the sheer numbers reaching Europe’s frontiers. The EU Commission is looking at further expanding quotas in terms of the number of refugees to be taken in by countries in the EU-bloc  Picture: REUTERS
A German border police officer watches migrants unexpectedly disembark from a train that left Budapest’s Keleti station, at the airport in Frankfurt, Germany in 2015. Picture: REUTERS

Under constant missile fire, half a million Iranian vehicles have been registered moving north in recent days, marking the beginning of a growing exodus as the country’s internal displacement crisis deepens.

While the US has pursued its military objectives with urgency, little to no attention has been paid to the potential for mass displacement on a regional scale. Unlike President Donald Trump’s overtures to South African “refugees”, his administration has adopted an isolationist posture regarding the Iranians. A “zero spillover” policy is in place to block admissions, which includes ending programmes Iranians have made use of in the past to relocate to the US.

Meanwhile, EU policymakers watch in trepidation, aware that this crisis in the Middle East won’t stay contained forever. Lebanon has reported hundreds of thousands of people displaced in the past two weeks. Those numbers will only climb. Turkey is bracing for the influx, but that country is unlikely to be the final destination.

Within Iran’s borders the scale of displacement is nothing short of catastrophic. The UN High Commission for Refugees reports 3.2-million displaced people, the majority fleeing urban areas such as Tehran and Isfahan. Airstrikes have left more than 10,000 civilian sites destroyed.

Those who can flee are fleeing — into the countryside, towards borders and into shelters that are already overcrowded. Iran isn’t just a source of refugees. It’s also host to millions of Afghans, many of whom have nowhere to turn. As the conflict spreads, entire families find themselves stranded, abandoned and trapped.

History belies the claim that this is novel. Those fleeing Iran aren’t just in search of safety; they’re following a pattern Europe has already lived through. In 2015-16 more than 2-million Syrians poured into Europe, overwhelming asylum systems and reshaping political debates.

The difference now is scale. Iran’s population is four times the size of Syria’s. Germany, the proverbial engine of Europe’s economy, already contends with economic stagnation. Housing shortages are real, and cracks in the welfare system are deepening under the weight of existing demands.

Furthermore, foreign radicalisation concerns have never truly dissipated; they have merely simmered beneath the surface. As anti-immigrant sentiment gains fresh momentum, the same political forces that once forced Angela Merkel to shift rightward are now poised for their moment to strike again.

The difference now is scale. Iran’s population is four times the size of Syria’s. Germany, the proverbial engine of Europe’s economy, already contends with economic stagnation. Housing shortages are real, and cracks in the welfare system are deepening under the weight of existing demands.

If Germany opens its doors once more, the concern will not just be about granting asylum — it will be about whether the country can integrate these refugees. Can it provide accommodation, education and meaningful employment prospects in a flatlining job market? Can it absorb them without worsening the burden on public services or pushing its electorate further towards the political right as competition for limited resources intensifies?

Over the past decade the growing influx of refugees has tested Germany’s social fabric in ways that many never expected. Cities once defined by their social cohesion are now grappling with rising tension. In some places overcrowded refugee centres have sparked resentment, with locals questioning whether their own needs are being neglected.

Terrorism looms over all of this. The Syrian war showed how extremists can use the refugee crisis as a vehicle for infiltration. Isis infiltrated Europe through the Syrian exodus. As the Iranian conflict intensifies, there is a real risk that radical elements from Iran will do the same.

Europe is divided. Poland, Hungary and Austria are already hardening their borders. They won’t be part of a European solution to this crisis. And so, Germany will be left to pick up the pieces. Alone. This will come at a cost that is likely to push the Europeans towards policies that prioritise safeguarding national identity over multiculturalism.

The European project, which once promised prosperity, collective responsibility and mutual support, now stands at the precipice of a fundamental crisis. The old notions of co-operation and unity are being called into question as the bloc’s member states increasingly turn inward, driven by a crisis not of their own making.

• Kajee is a lecturer at Southern Utah University, a nonresident research fellow at the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy, and a researcher for the SeaLight maritime transparency initiative at Stanford University’s Gordian

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