NOTES AND FOOTNOTES:

 NOTES

1.       Short torrid history of some of Zuma’s pirate crew:

a.       Shaun Abrahams, NPA head

When Abrahams was a NPA prosecutor, he was quite prepared to present a case in Court that relied on – to quote a High Court judge - “deceit and trickery” by the police (including the Hawks, in a Vlakplaas-type operation)[429] [430] [431] [432].

The case was against those who had the potential to disrupt Zuma’s R100 billion family oil interests in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)[433] [434] [435] [436]. (For more, read Zuma's secret blueprint for total power[437].)

Despite the case being thrown out of Court in February 2015, Zuma rewarded Abrahams four months later for his blind loyalty by appointing him as head of the NPA[438] [439].

b.      Michael Masutha, minister of justice and correctional services

As to Masutha, Adriaan Basson of News24 described him as “nondescript” and appeared to be a “useful idiot”[440]. 

Masutha is not a member of the ANC’s highest decision-making body, the National Executive Committee (NEC). Consequently, he possesses no clout of his own, making him wholly dependent on Zuma for his Cabinet post.

(Besides Masutha, other non-NEC pawns sitting in Zuma’s Cabinet are: communications minister Faith Muthambi; police minister Nathi Nhleko; minerals resource minister Mosebenzi Zwane; and cooperative governance minister David Des van Rooyen. The rumoured finance minister in-waiting, Brian Molefe, is also a non-NEC member and could replace NEC member finance minister Pravin Gordhan.)

In July 2015, Accountability Now laid charges against Masutha, along with Zuma, for defeating the ends of justice by removing the previous NPA boss Mxolisi Nxasana with a R17.3 million golden handshake (after Zuma had first set up an inquiry into Nxasana for his fitness to hold office)[441]. Upon hearing of Nxasana’s axing at the time, former Constitutional Court Judge and head of Freedom Under Law, Johann Kriegler, said that it was not a surprise but “certainly a horror” that an honest man had been “forced out” of a vital office[442].

Less than three weeks later, Abrahams was appointed NPA head[443] [444].

(Before Nxasana was forced out, he advised Zuma and Masutha against the “unbecoming” conduct of deputy NPA head Nomgcobo Jiba and specialised commercial crime unit director Lawrence Mrwebi, both of whom are members of Zuma’s rogue unit in the justice cluster[445] [446] [447].

Both have since been struck from the roll of advocates due to a successful application by the General Council of the Bar of South Africa, of whom Nxasana was the complainant behind the application[448]. Jiba and Mrwebi are appealing the Court’s findings, and remain on special leave at Zuma’s pleasure[449] [450].)

Moreover, Mathew Kruger, legal researcher at the Helen Suzman Foundation (HSF), wrote that Masutha and others were found by the Supreme Court of Appeal to have acted “unlawfully” for failing to arrest and detain Omar Al-Bashir, the dictator of Sudan, accused of murder, rape, torture, extermination and pillaging, all of which led to the death of more than 300 000 people and the forced displacement of more than 2.5 million people[451] [452][453].

Kruger argued that Al-Bashir’s arrest was a constitutional necessity, and not solely reliant on SA’s membership of the International Criminal Court (ICC), who had issued Al-Bashir’s arrest warrant[454] [455]. In other words, Al-Bashir’s detention would have been the basic human-right thing to do.

(On the 22nd of February 2017, the High Court declared the decision by Zuma’s Cabinet to withdrawal from the ICC without parliamentary approval was procedurally invalid and unconstitutional[456]. Zuma, Masutha and another minister were ordered to revoke the notice of withdrawal[457].)

Masutha, along with state security Mahlobo and police minister Nathi Nhleko (together with the deputy police minister and a senior Hawks officer) comprised the panel that selected Berning Ntlemeza as head of the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (‘Hawks’) [458]. This is even though Ntlemeza had allegedly not applied for the position and did not attend interviews with all the other short-listed candidates[459].

(Nhleko took more than a year to formally inform Parliament of Ntlemeza’s appointment[460]. Civil rights groups Freedom Under Law and the Helen Suzman Foundation are challenging Ntlemeza’s appointment in the High Court on the grounds that he is unfit to hold office, after being found to be biased and dishonest by a High Court judge[461].)

c.       David Mahlobo, minister of state security, and the State Security Agency (SSA)

The free press has been a veritable rhino horn in Mahlobo’s side[462].

Besides being exposed for allegedly having close ties with a self-confessed rhino trafficker[463], Mahlobo was caught lying to Parliament about his relationship with controversial student activist, former Wits SRC president Mcebo Dlamini[464] [465] [466]. We also know that he accompanied Zuma in August 2014 on “a mysterious low-key visit” to meet with Russia’s president Vladimir Putin, which resulted in an agreement one month later for a 9 600MW nuclear build**[467] [468]; and, as acting international relations and co-operations minister, Mahlobo was the one who notified the United Nations of SA’s intention to withdraw from the ICC[469].

Basson described Mahlobo as “Zuma’s shadow”[470].

As for the State Security Agency (SSA) itself, its blank fingerprints to have allegedly been all over: disinformation campaigns[471] [472] [473]; a honeypot trap[474]; the creation of a bogus union[475]; office break-ins[476] [477] [478] [479] [480]; illegal phone tapping[481] [482] [483] [484]; the illegal signal jamming and the infiltration of Parliament[485] [486] [487] [488]; discrediting of ethical government officials and legitimate organisations[489] [490] [491] [492]; creating a tobacco smuggling company[493] [494] [495] [496] [497] [498];  assisting local and international tobacco companies to spy on each other to protect their commercial interests[499] [500] [501] [502]; propagating legislation that censured the freedom of expression[503]; and, intimate involvement in the 2012 Marikana massacre (before Mahlobo’s time)[504].

Zuma’s security cluster, meanwhile, joined their master and some Zuma-Gupta minions in early 2017 to argue against the Financial Intelligence Centre (FIC) Amendment Bill.

The Bill is designed to prevent money laundering, illegal cross-border financial transactions, and terrorism financing [Ra’eesa Pather, M&G][505], and ultimately it provides for greater scrutiny of the bank accounts of “prominent influential persons” [506] [507], including Zuma, his sons, the Guptas, and so on. (Read amaBhungane’s investigation into the Gupta’s alleged local money-laundering racket involving State Owned Enterprises here[508].)

In spite of two senior counsel members ruling that the Bill is consistent with the Constitution and it was supported by: Treasury; the head of Parliament’s standing committee on finance, Yunus Carrim; the Banking Association of South Africa; and by both opposition parties and the ANC parliamentary caucus[509] [510] [511], still, Zuma’s securocrats argued the Bill usurped the constitutional and legal mandates of SAPS and SSA, in violation of the Constitution[512].

The Bill was adopted by Parliament a second time by both opposition and the ANC, and now awaits Zuma’s signature, again[513] [514] [515].

2.       WE ARE HUNGRY

The students have been packed tight into a social powder keg of suffering from years of neglect by Zuma’s government (but which started even before his presidency).

The students’ grievance was articulated in the movement’s twitterish name, #FeesMustFall. But behind their straightforward demand lay a story of suffering by thousands of students at university campuses throughout SA (and by former - but still indebted - students).

Neels Blom later wrote in Business Day that if Zuma and Blade Nzimande, read the writing on the student’s placards, it said, “We are hungry Mr Blade.”[516]

The students were not speaking metaphorically.

In 2015, the Gift of the Givers told The Citizen that the number of hungry students at university campuses “was enormous”[517]. “The number of students that collapse from hunger at university has not been documented but this is an enormous problem,” said the organisation [The Citizen][518]. (To help, see Gift of the Givers[519].)

A 2013 survey at the University of the Free State found that 10% of respondents never had enough money for food and so were always hungry[520]. (Some had to sell their belongings to eat, while a minority admitted to stealing food) [521]. More than 25% of respondents paid for food with money from loans and bursaries [The Journalist][522].

The Zuma-led government spent about 40% less on higher education than other African countries, as well as the rest of the world[523].

(The figure quoted is based on comparing a country’s higher education expenditure as a percentage of its overall education expenditure, as supplied by the Helen Suzman Foundation in November 2015)[524]:

South Africa                       12%

Africa                                    20%

OECD countries                 23.4%

Rest of the world             19.8%

The department of higher education conceded that the underfunding had put pressure on institutions to raise student fees. (In 2015 student fees constituted 34% of the universities’ income, 42% from government grants, and 23% from “other receipts”.)[ENCA][525]

What's more, Statistics SA revealed that for 2015 the country’s higher learning institutions (26 universities and 6 universities of technology) were oversubscribed by 400 000 students, or 40%, due to students either failing or repeating the academic year[526].

“We’re spending money on students that do not succeed, and that’s what [is] making the system more expensive,” said Statistics SA’s statistician-general Pali Lehohla[527].

A 2008 presidency study found that, “The inadequate preparation of primary school learners… is the direct cause of the poor progress of students in high schools, further education and training colleges, and the higher educational sector.”[528]

Servaas van der Berg at the Stellenbosch University department of economics told Pretoria News in October 2016 that about 80% to 85% of SA schools were not up to international stands[529].

As a result, of about 940 000 school learners in 2008, only about 55 700 or 6% obtained an undergraduate qualification of some type within six years of finishing school[530].

“Instead of supporting social mobility, South Africa’s education system has reinforced inequalities. A severe shortage of qualified teachers, inadequate infrastructure and limited access to early childhood education and care (ECEC) has led to a widening performance gap between rich and poor students and high levels of drop out, in particular among Black Africans,”[531] stated a 2015 report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

The OECD report went on to say that, “While other emerging economies have expanded access to education, South Africa has struggled to keep up with demographic trends in recent years and the number of out-of-school children has increased. This is not only a waste of human talent, but threatens social cohesion and democracy.”[532]

The problem is not that our children are failing; it is that we are failing our children.

UCT extraordinary professor, Nico Cloete, wrote in March 2016 that the ‘missing middle’ and poor students “have gone beyond disappointment; they are angry”, as their future looks bleak[533] [534].

He said that they know that the development project has failed them; they have debts that they have little hope of paying back; and they probably suspect that they will be disproportionally represented in the 50% of undergraduates who never graduate[535] [536].

“[I]n 1976 style, they have attacked university property – mainly administrative structures, where the management and their academic and debt records are housed,” said Cloete[537].

Since the student protests erupted in October 2015, concerted efforts by Treasury and the higher learning department have instituted reforms and financial support.

GETTING WITH THE PROGRAM

Gordhan recognized that “at the heart” of the student protests was “financial hardships that undermined their ability to succeed academically”[538].

Thus, in response, the finance minister allocated R9 billion in the October 2016 medium-term budget to government’s student financial aid scheme, over and above the R16 billion that he had already added in February 2016 to higher education funding[539] [540].

Additionally, in support of Nzimande, Gordhan directed R8 billion to meet the costs of fee increases for students from households with incomes up to R600 000, to help not only the poor students but also the “missing middle”.

Extraordinary professor at the University of Cape Town (UCT), Nico Cloete, said that this meant that about 70% of the undergraduate student population would not pay for any fee increases in 2017; Nzimande put the figure at 75%[541] [542] [543].

Thus Nzimande and Gordhan had succeeded in undercutting Zuma’s plan to feed off the students’ genuine struggles, by delivering as best they could, some tangible relief for the students.

And, taking the initiative further, Gordhan said that “we” will work with the corporate sector and financial institutions to expand bursaries, loans and work opportunities for students[544].

On the 9th of February 2017, Zuma read his SONA in Parliament.

Political analyst, Somadoda Fikeni, in evaluating Zuma’s speech in regards to higher learning, observed, “He simply stated government commitment, which has already been communicated to the public, without revealing what the new funding plan is. It was a repeat of what the government is already doing.”[545] [546]

What Zuma had done was fail to tell the nation the great efforts being made to help the students. For if he did, it meant singing the praises of his enemies, Gordhan and Nzimande. However, there was a second reason why Zuma failed to take the nation into his confidence, and that was he did not want to give the students hope. He wanted them to believe that nothing was being done, and that nothing will change.

Describing Zuma’s 2017 SONA on higher education, the Student Representative Council (SRC) of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) said government promises “are little more than hogwash.”[547]

Zuma failed to mention in his speech that 60 private-sector professionals (from law firms, insurers, banks, accountant institutions, and financial associations) were working free of charge on a project with the department of higher education, under Nzimande, as part of a task team to design and build a new student funding programme to address the needs of the poor and “missing-middle” students[548].

Hilary Joffe wrote in Business Day on the 9th of February 2017 that the Ikusasa Student Financial Aid Programme (ISFAP) had already been injected with R200 million from the private sector to fund a 2017 ISFAP pilot project, which will support 2 000 first year students at seven universities and one technical college[549] [550].

In addressing flaws in the current NSFAS, the ISFAP works opposite to the existing system by providing grants first, and - in some cases - loans later for those students who do well (with repayments based on a sliding scale according to family income).

The objective of the ISFAP is to achieve fully subsidised education to the very poor, at least initially, so families dependent on social grants will not have to pay back the money. (“…there will be no cap, and the full cost of study would cover registration, tuition, books, accommodation, meals and even a stipend”, said Sizwe Nxasana, who heads the task team[551].)

The ISFAP also provides the recipients with academic and psycho-social support and mentoring, something the current system does not[552].

Joffe wrote that for the project to be rolled out countrywide, the ISFAP requires R45 billion per year, as well as political support and legislative changes[553].

Treasury has thus capitulated all that it is capable of providing to the students, while also joining with the department of higher learning and the private sector, to work towards designing a lasting funding solution to ease the students’ suffering.

Zuma, however, mentioned none of this, for it would only strengthen the status of Gordhan and Nzimande, and that is the last thing he wants to do. Plus, it negates any justification for ‘violent’ student protest, and therefore if violent unrest reignites at universities in 2017, it will look suspiciously like a manufactured war that is fought for the sake of war, and for no other reason[554] [555].

3.       ANCYL & UNGOVERNABILITY - DARTH VADER SIDEKICK

Unlike the EFF, Wasp and the angry student, the ANCYL together with the SSA are fully aware that they are acting on behalf of their master.

DARTH VADER SIDEKICK

FIREFLIES

During an ANCYL gathering on the 21st of December 2016 - in which the media, although invited, were not made to feel welcome – the subject of economic liberation was addressed by the ANCYL president and Darth Vader side-kick, Collen Maine.

Maine declared, with Zuma present, that,"[T]he youth might be forced to do what it did not want to do, and we will start in Cape Town, the wine farms."[556]

One month later, in January 2017, unconfirmed reports emerged of farms on the outskirts of Cape Town being deliberately set ablaze by people wearing ANC T-shirts[557]. “We have just been informed that these fires on our farms were started by people, and it has just been confirmed by people [officials] flying in helicopters that they’ve spotted these arsonists,” said an unidentified voice clip that emerged on social media of a man speaking in Afrikaans[558]. “There have been reports that the arsonists were wearing ANC shirts," the man added [Daily Voice][559] [560].

The ANC provincial deputy secretary denied the allegations and blamed the blazes on local government, accusing Western Cape premier Helen Zille and her team of “sleeping at the wheel”[561]. 

Between the 1st of November 2016 and 12th of January 2017 (under two and half months), the fire and rescue service responded to 5 465 fires, an average of about 75 fires per day, with a 100 fires “on the worst day” around that period [News24][562] [563].

“The spate of fires is truly suspicious and we have an investigations team that is looking into it,” Cape Town safety and security mayoral committee member JP Smith said in January 2017 [News24][564].

Reports came in from eye-witnesses, fire service crews, and fire investigators, of children and youth deliberately setting veld fires[565] [566] [567] .

(The Citizen reported that a Fire Investigation Task Team - consisting of the SAPS, City of Cape Town, and Enviro Wildfire Services - is investigating the fires and has asked for all relevant information to be emailed to enviro@absamail.co.za [568].)

The ANCYL thus appears to be branching out, beyond the university grounds. But there is nothing new about that. The ANCYL has a long history of threatening and attempting to make targeted areas of democratic SA “ungovernable” with the use of the youth. In this regard, perhaps the ANCYL should be referred to as state of emergency specialists.  

What follows, gives an indication of how far Zuma’s faction and in particular his Stormtroopers are willing to go for political expediency.

GANGSTER PARADYS

Threats (either masked or blatant) by the ANCYL against society are anything but new.

“We are going to destroy everything and make the city [Cape Town] ungovernable. We are calling on all young people to do this, especially those living in informal settlements,” said Loyiso Nkohla in 2010, the then ANC Youth League Dullah Omar region executive member[569]. (In 2016, Nkohla defected to the DA[570].)

The ANCYL reiterated the call to make the Western Cape “ungovernable” (or has attempted to do so by various actions, such as poo-flinging) in 2012[571], 2013[572] [573] [574] and 2015[575] [576].

(In a similar vein, in September 2016 Wits SRC president Kefentse Mkhari, an ANC-aligned PYA member, said "Right now we want free education and if government won't commit itself to giving us free education, we will run this country ungovernable.”[577])

The Western Cape province, governed by the DA, has experienced the following highlighted attacks on its infrastructure and violent actions:

·         In October 2013, ENCA reported that 2 000 to 3 000 angry demonstrators ran amok in the centre of Cape Town looting shops and assaulting foreign migrants. The situation had reached such proportions that Archbishop emeritus Desmond Tutu and more than 80 other prominent South Africans signed a declaration a month later, warning of an “assault on democracy” in the country[578].

"In the Western Cape there have been blatant attempts to make the province 'ungovernable' simply because certain elements disagree with the democratic choice of the majority in that province," the statement read [ENCA][579]. "This attack on democracy is a denial of everything the freedom struggle was about, and is being carried out in a dangerous spirit of hate.”[580]

·         According to Zille, on the 30th of  July 2014 - two months after the national elections - the signal cables along Cape Town’s central rail line was cut in 25 places disabling services, followed by the destruction of a further four signal cables a couple of days later[581].

In all, Zille said that 11 stations were forced to close and 15 trains were taken off the tracks[582]. 

Zille wrote at the time, “Wednesday's attack on the central line most certainly was a deliberate act of destruction, aimed at crippling the City's transport infrastructure”[583].

Cape Town’s central line was so badly “butchered” that the Passenger Rail Agency of SA (PRASA) considered shutting down the route permanently [IOL][584].

(Meanwhile, in September 2016, and also about two months after the holding of government elections, PRASA once more considered permanently shutting down operations on the Cape Town central line, this time due to attacks on its infrastructure from violent protests in Langa [EWN][585].)

·         Over 60 train carriages, the equivalent of about 5 train sets, were damaged or guttered in arson attacks in the Western Cape from 2015 to 2016[586] [587] [588] [589] [590] [591] [592].

IOL reported that an analysis of vandalism patterns left little doubt that criminals were deliberately setting out to cause mayhem and delays[593]. ”These agents may think they are serving their own selfish agenda but ultimately hard-working breadwinners reliant on trains pay the price. Anyone who targets innocent commuters are monsters,” said Metrorail regional manager, Richard Walker [IOL][594].

·         Smith told TimesLive in 2015 that, in total, one third of veld fires were believed to be arson attacks[595] [596].

LINE OF ATTACK

Suspects have come and gone, such as disgruntled striking workers[597] [598] [599], transport service delivery protests[600], unrelated service delivery protests[601], teenagers[602] [603], criminals[604], and lone arsonists[605].Yet, finding a motive to explain the sustained destruction over years is like railing against the wind[606] [607] [608].

The following is a compilation of circumstantial reports of arson attacks in the Western Cape. However, the list comes with the proviso that it is not exhaustive, as well as data patterns can be illuminating or self-deceiving.

So saying, further investigation is required by experts before any definitive conclusions can be reached. (For a chronological list, see the end of this note.)

Reports of Western Cape land and train arson attacks in 2009, 2014 and 2016 occurred around government elections.

 Equally circumstantial is that Cape Town train arson and surrounding veld fire attacks occurred within days of each other in January 2013, December 2015, August 2016, and December 2016.

 Arson attacks in Cape Town and surrounds have occurred from October to January, two years running, starting in 2015. This pattern did not occur between 2009 and 2014.

The spate of attacks between October to January coincides approximately with concerted efforts by the Zuptas to capture Treasury in 2015 and 2016, with the removal of the finance minister. The start month of October is also the period in which student violence erupted following fee increment announcements by Nzimande.

In a previous article, Zuma's secret blueprint for total power, it was shown that for Zuma to achieve untold political and economic power, he needs to amalgamate the Northern Cape, Western Cape and southern parts of the Eastern Cape into the mega-province, arbitrarily called “Cape-land”[609].

However, in order to attain his ultimate goal, Zuma would have to employ criminal methods to unseat the DA from the Western Cape. Ungovernability is thus a means to a devious end.

IMPEACHMENT GOES PEAR-SHAPED

In addition to attacks on infrastructure and land, below are political threats and actions employed by Zuma’s cohorts to destabilise the region.

·         Shortly after the DA won the Western Cape in the 2009 national elections, Kebby Maphatsoe, chairperson of the ANC Military Veterans Association (which secured a stake in the Gupta’s uranium mine[610]), threatened to “craft and launch a political programme aimed at rendering the Western Cape ungovernable” unless Zille refrained from “insulting” then newly president-elect Zuma [M&G][611].

·         On the 2nd of December 2015, just one week before the Zupta palace coup with the installation of Des van Rooyen as finance minister, Zille, as premier of the Western Cape, faced the potential of impeachment.

 “It’s something they’ve been ‘working on’ for a while,” observed Zille’s spokesperson, Michael Mpofu[612].

The attempt was instigated by the then ANC Western Cape leader, Marius Fransman, a staunch Zuma enthusiast (who Zuma may have had in mind as premier of the mega-province of Cape-land, had everything gone to plan in a parallel universe where pink elephants fly Tesla cucumber-powered rockets).

Zille’s impeachment was based on an “investigation” by the Zuma-favouring Hawks on accusations of illegal spying[613].

In the final tally, 28 members of the Western Cape legislature were required to vote for Zille’s impeachment; instead, 23 of them voted in favour of a motion which fully endorsed Zille as premier of the province[614] [615] [616].

·         In January 2016, while fire and rescue crews were in the Western Cape’s Overberg region battling to contain devastating fires, which had been exacerbated by arsonists[617], TimesLive reported that ANC MP Bongani Mkongi demanded via Facebook that a Cape Town building must be burnt down, because a large “ZumaMustFall” banner had been secured to its exterior[618].

Someone replied to the post, saying that the building was an apartment block, thus could not be burnt down as “people inside the apartments will burn to death”. Nevertheless, Mkongi - a member of parliament, who swore an oath to “be faithful to the Republic of South Africa” and to “obey, observe and maintain the Constitution and all other laws”[619] - responded via Facebook, “They must burn to death as it is life to them to keep it that way!”[620] 

Later Mkongi apologised for his statement, saying he had made an error of judgement and admitted that it had exceeded “the bounds of freedom of expression as enshrined in our Constitution”[621]. The ANC accepted Mkongi’s retraction and apology, and thus decided no further action would be taken against him[622].

DIRTY TRICKS

Cape Town is the legislative capital of South Africa, and is thus the seat of the (so-called?) people’s Parliament. In the event of a violent uprising in the city, it would have grave ramifications for the running of government, and could precipitate a declaration of a state of emergency. 

And yet, the Social Justice Coalition (SJC) said the Western Cape was the most under-resourced province in terms of police resources and personnel by national government, which is the responsibility of police minster and Zuma-defender extraordinaire, Nathi “firepool” Nhleko[623].

Spokesman for the SJC said the precincts with the highest murder rates, such as Khayelitsha, were the most under-resourced by Zuma’s national government[624].

Thus it seems Zuma’s rogue government within government always promises the earth, but delivers nothing but a scorched earth policy.

In November 2015, the M&G reported that Zuma met with known Cape gangster bosses in 2011 prior to that year’s elections[625]. M&G wrote that that meeting has continued to have repercussions, and fed into related allegations of a long-running dirty tricks campaign in the Western Cape[626].

“If we are to stop the destruction, the law will have to reach beyond the foot soldiers to those who gave the order or encouraged the destruction. We must find a way to hold them accountable,” said the Cape Chamber of Commerce and Industry president, Janine Myburgh, who then warned that, “The only way to a better future is to take care of our assets and to make and build more. Unless we, as a nation, begin to understand this, we will throw away everything that has been achieved in our years of democracy.”[627]

CHRONOLOGICAL (non-exhaustive) WC ATTACK LIST

(In January 2017 the chief fire officer of the Overberg district municipality confirmed that pilots had seen children starting fires in the Grabouw area, but that the children were doing it because they were fascinated by the helicopters, and thus in this instance there was no indication of any political threat or criminal intent in lighting the fires [CapeTalk][628].  That said, there’s no reason why analysis of life should be any less complex than life itself.)

4.       UNION BUILDING STUDENT MARCH: What really happened on the 23rd of October 2015

MARCHING IN UNION

On the 23rd of October 2015, 15 000 students waited for hours on the lawns of the Union Buildings to hear the outcome of a meeting between Zuma, university management and student leaders[671].

In the meantime, Gift of the Givers said they would distribute on the day a minimum of 32 tons of food and drinks to the students[672] [673].

The students’ immediate objective was to attain a moratorium on all fee increments, with hopes that free, quality education was also a possibility[674]. Other issues that were raised were institutional autonomy, racism, accommodation, what the students termed “black debt”, and broader transformation issues[675] [676].

As the day unfolded, Radio 702 host, Redi Tlhabi, reported at the scene that a small fraction of people were  burning toilets and bins, while the crowd of #FeesMustFall supporters stood their ground, shouting, “No violence”[677].

An unsubstantiated eye-witness account, calling themselves “hobblygobbly” on a blog, appeared to write on the day of the protests that “a handful of protestors have turned violent, many people there suspect that they are agent provocateurs - people disguised as part of the movement but exists to carry out actions that discredits it… Also some of the people causing these issues have also been found to be wearing multiple political party shirts and supposedly switching them out, it’s very odd. There are clearly non-students here with political affiliations to sabotage and cause trouble… The peaceful protestors are distancing themselves and gathering away from them…”[678]

Another eye-witness account, by Athambile Masola, who wrote in the M&G’s Though Leader three days after the protest, stated, “I’m also curious about the havoc that was caused by people wearing Sasco and ANC T-shirts. We saw them and we could see through their behaviour. Any fool can see that they were sent to disrupt the protest.”[679]

Journalists covering the mass student demonstration reported on News24 that they were threatened by students from “Soshanguve”, predominantly part of the EFF[680].

 Three journalists were told by students from Soshanguve, “Stop fucking shooting us. You are not allowed to shoot us.” [681] One of the students than struck a journalist with a bottle, before telling her in Sotho, “Stop filming me you piece of shit. I will fucking kick you in the pussy.” [682] The student was then restrained by his peers. Another journalist was also approached and told she could not take pictures, “not of Soshanguve”[683].

One of the Soshanguve students was seen carrying a tyre, but for what purpose was undetermined[684].

Meanwhile, Tlhabi tweeted, “It is not #FeesMustFall that is jumping over fence and burning. I am seeing them. It is Sasco and ANC Soshanguve” – Tlhabi appeared to identify them by their t-shirts[685].

The Citizen reported that “TUT [Tshwane University of Technology] students” were seen throwing stones at the police over the fence, where Zuma was supposed to address the students[686] . (Two months prior to the Union Buildings march, the police were called into deal with a fight between EFF and ANCYL supporters at TUT’s Soshanguve campus[687].)  

Just before events had unfolded on the day of the march, Munusamy wrote, “The moment has come for one person to take control. On Friday, it is the president’s responsibility to decide whether to arrest the situation or allow it to explode.”[688] Zuma appeared to choose the latter.

The M&G reported that students got more agitated when, after about two hours of waiting, Zuma had still not come out to address them[689] [690]. “Zuma is scared to come address us. Instead of coming to us he sends police to shoot us. This country is going to be ungovernable soon if this is how the government conducts itself,” said Mabina Zikho Leshabane, leader of the Socialist Youth Movement [M&G][691] (WASPs youth wing[692]).

Eventually, Zuma announced via a live TV announcement to the nation that that there would be no fee increases for 2016[693]. The reaction from the students was reportedly mixed, with some having seen it as a victory, while others felt their efforts failed to deliver free education[694] [695] [696].

Zuma’s zero fees declaration placed enormous pressure on the then finance minister Nene and Nzimande to deliver on government’s promise. (Zuma was not only determined to remove Nene from his Cabinet, but Nzimande too was on his chopping block[697] [698] [699].)

FOOTNOTES

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[2] http://www.timeslive.co.za/sundaytimes/stnews/2016/10/23/Abrahams-met-Zuma-and-three-ministers-before-move-to-charge-Gordhan1

[3] http://www.timeslive.co.za/sundaytimes/stnews/2016/10/23/Abrahams-met-Zuma-and-three-ministers-before-move-to-charge-Gordhan1

[4] https://www.businesslive.co.za/rdm/politics/2017-01-18-zuma-the-guptas-and-the-russians--the-inside-story/

[5] http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/download-the-full-state-of-capture-pdf-20161102

[6] http://www.fin24.com/Economy/the-27-questions-the-hawks-sent-to-gordhan-20160228

[7] http://mg.co.za/article/2017-02-03-00-hawks-eerie-silence-on-gupta-files

[8] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2016-03-01-spy-unit-why-would-the-hawks-probe-something-that-is-not-a-crime/#.WHm1jYVOKUk

[9] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2016-09-07-sars-wars-purge-has-left-sars-criminal-investigative-capacity-vulnerable/#.WHjA34VOKUk

[10] http://mg.co.za/article/2016-11-18-00-hawks-held-back-sars-memo

[11] https://www.businesslive.co.za/rdm/politics/2017-01-26-lily-gosam-zumas-secret-blueprint-for-total-power/

[12] https://www.businesslive.co.za/rdm/politics/2017-01-16-zuma-spies-smugglers-and-the-killing-fields-of-marikana/

[13] http://www.timeslive.co.za/sundaytimes/stnews/2016/10/23/Abrahams-met-Zuma-and-three-ministers-before-move-to-charge-Gordhan1

[14] http://city-press.news24.com/News/npa-to-charge-pravin-20160828-2

[15] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2016-10-25-npa-vs-gordhan-fatal-disregard-of-law-will-make-case-go-down-in-history/#.WLfA3fl96Ul

[16] http://city-press.news24.com/News/npa-to-charge-pravin-20160828-2

[17] https://www.businesslive.co.za/rdm/politics/2017-01-16-zuma-spies-smugglers-and-the-killing-fields-of-marikana/

[18] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2016-10-25-npa-vs-gordhan-fatal-disregard-of-law-will-make-case-go-down-in-history/#.WLfA3fl96Ul

[19] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2016-10-25-npa-vs-gordhan-fatal-disregard-of-law-will-make-case-go-down-in-history/#.WLfA3fl96Ul

[20] http://ewn.co.za/2016/10/24/I-didnt-think-inviting-Abrahams-Zuma-to-Luthuli-House-would-be-an-issue

[21] http://www.news24.com/Columnists/AdriaanBasson/gordhans-npa-saga-this-is-selective-prosecution-at-its-worst-20161011

[22] http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2017/01/31/gerrie-nel-im-not-leaving-the-npa-because-im-angry/

[23] https://theconversation.com/charges-against-finance-minister-show-misuse-of-south-african-law-67177

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[675] http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/up-to-reopen-on-monday-1935324

[676] https://businesstech.co.za/news/general/102064/watch-zuma-addresses-feesmustfall-students/

[677] http://citizen.co.za/news/news-national/833478/fees-must-fall-protest-in-pretoria-hijacked/

[678] http://www.neogaf.com/forum/showthread.php?t=1127783

[679] http://thoughtleader.co.za/athambilemasola/2015/10/26/dear-mr-president-i-was-hoping-to-see-you-at-the-union-buildings/

[680] http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Journalists-threatened-at-Union-Buildings-as-students-demand-Zuma-speaks-to-them-20151023

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[685] http://citizen.co.za/news/news-national/833478/fees-must-fall-protest-in-pretoria-hijacked/

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[687] http://ewn.co.za/2015/08/26/EFF-and-Sasco-clash-police-use-stun-grenades-at-TUT

[688] https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2015-10-23-feesmustfall-south-africa-recreated-history-redefined-zumas-moment-of-reckoning/#.WJiKr_l96Um

[689] http://mg.co.za/article/2015-10-23-sas-students-take-on-union-buildings

[690] https://www.pressreader.com/south-africa/the-herald-south-africa/20151024/282329678794433

[691] http://mg.co.za/article/2015-10-23-sas-students-take-on-union-buildings

[692] http://www.socialismtoday.org/197/southafrica.html

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[694] http://mg.co.za/article/2016-01-21-politics-and-power-struggles-define-student-protests

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[697] http://mg.co.za/article/2015-12-10-anc-allies-demand-to-be-consulted

[698] http://citizen.co.za/news/news-national/1311697/ancs-bloodiest-fight-yet/

[699] http://city-press.news24.com/News/curb-zumas-powers-20160827